By Published: Nov. 29, 2023

In new publication, 澳门六合彩历史记录 PhD graduate Kimberly Killen highlights how 鈥榓ngry feminist claims鈥 have the power to inform and mobilize


Kimberly Killen was an undergraduate at Wellesley College, which counts Hillary Rodham Clinton as an alumna, during the 2008 presidential election鈥攊n which Clinton was an early candidate.

鈥淭hat election was a complete eye-opener,鈥 Killen recalls. 鈥淗ere I was 19, 20 years old, and my brain was bopping around with ideas about how, as women, we have equality, things are different now. Then I saw all the ways the media treated her as a woman鈥攁ny emotion she showed or did not show, how that was covered was so completely gendered that it seemed to me, as a woman, you just can鈥檛 win. You鈥檙e either too much of this or too little of that.鈥

And if the emotion being shown is anger and the person expressing it identifies as a feminist? She鈥檚 hysterical, she's strident, she鈥檚 irrational, she鈥檚 a 鈥渇eminazi鈥濃攑ick your dismissive stereotype.

Kimberly Killen

In a recent publication, 澳门六合彩历史记录 PhD graduate Kimberly Killen explores how angry feminist claims have the power to inform and mobilize.

However, in exploring 鈥渁ngry feminist claims鈥 and political and social mobilization, Killen, who earned a PhD in political science from the 澳门六合彩历史记录 in 2022 and completed a research assistantship with 澳门六合彩历史记录 researcher Celeste Montoya in May, argues that angry feminist claims have the power to inform and mobilize. She emphasizes that by resonating with empathetic communities, angry feminist claims legitimize feelings and experiences, triggering energetic transfers between feminists and non-feminists.

鈥淚鈥檓 interested in this political moment and in what anger can do,鈥 Killen says. 鈥淎nger is not a uniformly good emotion, and I鈥檓 not saying we should all get really angry and go out and do things.

鈥淚n this paper, I鈥檓 presenting anger as this really narrow path that can get us out of our seats to then transform that anger into something good or civic鈥攕omething that organizes us to act. It shouldn鈥檛 just begin with, 鈥業鈥檓 really angry, and I鈥檓 just going to stay really angry all the time.鈥 Part of it was recognizing my own anger and recognizing the ways people are using their anger to reclaim the position of rationality.鈥

Demanding respect and recognition

Killen uses the term 鈥渁ngry feminist claims鈥 to characterize particular statements and issues鈥攏ot individuals鈥攁s 鈥渇eminist鈥 based on 鈥渢heir demands for respect, recognition and action on women鈥檚 sexual autonomy and political legitimacy,鈥 she writes. 鈥淚 do not classify angry women writ large as 鈥榝eminists.鈥 However, as a result of making these claims, regardless of speakers鈥 self-identification, society often treats these speakers as feminists; their political claims becoming synonymous with their identity.

鈥淚s anger an unproductive political emotion and mode of speech for women activists? Can angry feminist claims only get heard if they are delivered in an emotional register that conforms to liberal democratic conventions?鈥

She considers whether angry feminist claims can be understood as a mobilizing and productive political practice by focusing on the protests of Brett Kavanaugh鈥檚 2018 confirmation hearings for the U.S. Supreme Court. She highlights the confrontation in an elevator between then-U.S. Senator Jeff Flake of Arizona and activists Ana Maria Archila and Maria Gallagher.

After learning that Flake planned to vote in favor of confirming Kavanaugh, Archila and Gallagher confronted Flake in an elevator near his office.

鈥淵ou have children in your family,鈥 Archila told him (some media accounts describe her statements as 鈥渟houting鈥). 鈥淭hink about them. I have two children. I cannot imagine that for the next 50 years they will have to have someone in the Supreme Court who has been accused of violating a young girl. What are you doing, sir?鈥

Gallagher then added (also described as 鈥渟houting鈥 in some accounts), 鈥淚 was sexually assaulted, and nobody believed me. I didn鈥檛 tell anyone, and you鈥檙e telling all women that they don鈥檛 matter, that they should just stay quiet because if they tell you what happened to them you are going to ignore them. That鈥檚 what happened to me, and that鈥檚 what you are telling all women in America, that they don鈥檛 matter.鈥

Protesters at Brett Kavanaugh confirmation hearings

Protesters on the steps听of the U.S. Capitol听demonstrating against the confirmation of U.S. Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh on Oct. 6, 2018.听(Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

鈥淒o you think that Brett is telling the truth?鈥 Archila asked. 鈥淒o you think that he鈥檚 able to hold the pain of this country and repair it? That is the work of justice.鈥

The exchange was recorded by a CNN team, and for Killen, that exchange and the rhetoric and analysis that followed embody how angry feminist claims and their reception are shaped by a nexus of socio-historical forces. Whether and how an angry feminist claim is heard and valued can depend not only on a person鈥檚 sex, but on their skin color, sexual orientation, gender identity, economic status and a host of other factors, Killen says.

鈥淚t鈥檚 possible, and it happens frequently, that two people are going to hear the same angry feminist claim, but hear it in two totally different ways,鈥 she says. 鈥淥ne person may have that nodding feeling of acceptance, and another may be thinking, 鈥極h, she鈥檚 just being hysterical.鈥欌

Challenging conventions

Studying angry feminist claims as a factor in political motivation also highlights disparities that have long existed within feminism, Killen says. The voices and experiences of liberal white women have long had a place at the front of the line, while those of people from underrepresented communities have struggled for legitimacy and to be heard.

鈥淭his is a really difficult problem, and I think it even exceeds the feminist movement,鈥 Killen says. 鈥淲e have a lot of sensitive conversations today within feminism and you can see people moving into a sort of defensive crouch rather than taking a beat to listen. Often, it feels threatening to hear that within feminism, some voices and experiences have been marginalized or delegitimized.鈥

She adds that bringing long-marginalized voices and experiences to the fore is a step-by-step process and that anger can play an important role in motivating action. Citing Archila and Gallagher confronting Flake in the elevator, Killen notes that 鈥測ou can see they鈥檙e upset, their voices are raised, but the way in which they鈥檙e using anger is reclaiming鈥攅ither intentionally or not鈥攖he position of rationality. Step by step, they鈥檙e pointing out the ways that (Flake) is not behaving as a rational actor. Their language is going, 鈥榃ait up, no, look at this story we鈥檙e telling you, this is the rational path.鈥欌

Further, anger doesn鈥檛 just fulfill short-term goals for mobilization, but can challenge longstanding conventions about what is politically appropriate and for whom, Killen says. Seeing women鈥檚 anger empowers other women to articulate feelings that deviate from the norm鈥攏orms that have dictated who gets to be publicly angry and whose voice gets to be heard.

Having just completed an election cycle and heading into the 2024 election year, Killen says she is hopeful that anger will continue galvanizing action: 鈥淲hat I see really motivating a lot of people, and not necessarily just women, is protecting reproductive and sexual health rights, voting to protect these rights. To me, that鈥檚 a really hopeful glimmer that I think is going to continue to be on the ballot in ways that I just find exciting.

鈥淚鈥檓 excited for civic action and people feeling the inspiration of, 鈥榃e鈥檙e going to go out and protect these rights.鈥 I鈥檓 hopeful citizens are going to continue to show up at the ballot.鈥

Top image: People protesting听Brett Kavanaugh's confirmation to the U.S. Supreme Court听Oct. 4, 2018. (Kevin Lamarque/Reuters鈥)


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